Argentina: On the unity of the FIT and the MST / our analysis and perspectives

It is a positive political novelty, long demanded by the best of the very broad political culture of the left in this country. For that reason, the news that we announced yesterday to the press, reverberated with great power, and we have not stop receiving all kinds of congratulations, motivation and willingness to collaborate. All our militants justifiably experience this as a true triumph and a reward for the coherence of promoting the unity of the left during years, and also, why not, as a consequence of the development of the MST. Of course, it is also the case that, faced with the precarious political alliances of the capitalists tied to their commitment to the IMF and the payment of debt, the formation of a militant anti-capitalist instrument of the best of the working class, youth and feminist vanguard, with a socialist programmatic platform, is a novel turning point in the current political stage of the country. Therefore, we write these first reflections on this political success.

Macri-Pichetto and Fernández-Fernández: defensive coalitions

The entire electoral conjuncture is dominated by a clear polarization that is fraudulent in essence. The formula Macri-Pichetto as well as Fernández-Férnandez, express a shift to the right of all traditional politics, tirelessly offering proof of reliability to the capitalists who rearrange parts of traditional parties, all interchangeable by all. Both projects represent capitalist factions with a class consensus on a series of unmovable premises: the debt is not questioned; maintaining the privatized service companies, yes or yes; primary economy on an agrarian and mining export base, subordinated to imperialism; tax regime that is confiscatory of the working majority; reinforcement of the espionage and repression apparatus; unmovable status quo with the “pro-life” clergy. That is to say, it is not the tactical differences that define those alliances, but their long-term, strategic agreements, which are ultimately those that the “red circles” of big capital overlook. This clarification is fundamental, especially in relation to the formula that CFK integrates, for that broad social universe of mass anti-Macrism in the labor, youth and women’s movements, as an early warning about the irreversible effects of lesser evilism as a political option. In summary: the positions in relation to the debt and the IMF, the privatized companies, the clergy and the capitalist crisis in its national expression, defines the nature of political projects in the current situation. Close ones eyes with arguments of electoral immediacy, ensures a new frustration. Our obligation is to offer a forecast, and, because we are not commentators, but a militant organization, we also propose an alternative.

From electoral unity to the class struggle: tactics and strategy

The principled starting point of this confluence between the FIT and the MST is an anti-capitalist and socialist platform, as an emergency program against the paralysis of the national economy and the impotence of the forces of traditional politics. Therefore, our first task consists of a massive and planned dissemination of that political contract, and its working-class, social and popular content. We have to take it to the factories. Not a university, school, or neighborhood in the country should be left without receiving the front´s proposals. At the same time, our party poses a very important issue for concrete action: the electoral field is tactical for the revolutionary left, therefore it has to serve as an auxiliary point of support to transfer that united front to the working class movement, to fight for anti-bureaucratic and classist delegate bodies, local commissions and unions; to consolidate a true block of working-class socialist feminism in the women’s movement; in universities, schools and terciaries, to recover student unions and federations from the privatizing cliques; in the poor neighborhoods, to multiply the actions of struggle against hunger and for genuine jobs. That is to say, that this is a front for electoral struggle which the MST conceives as a great transitional step to transfer that united front to the class struggle, to the struggle for leadership of the class struggle and different mass fronts. Obviously, we have differences. But our predisposition is to be able to coexist and carry out all the debates that exist. We also propose the need for this front to intervene with unified positions and common actions before the main events of reality.

The MST in the FIT Unity

We have a general assessment of the course of the country’s political situation based on an analysis of the international panorama. All variables indicate a reinforcement of the capitalist crisis, without productive investment (but short-term speculation), commercial retraction and strangulation of semi-colonial countries like ours with external debt. The MST socialists don´t invent this, it is corroborated by the concerned reports of the IMF, the World Bank and even the JP Morgan board to their client investors. Therefore, we prepare for a period of capitalist attacks on social rights with more austerity and social reaction, increasing tensions and conflict. We do not have a mechanical view of the course of events nor believe in an irreversible catastrophism, but the trends are unequivocal: we are heading toward more clashes between the masses and the political and bureaucratic forces of capital.
Therefore, we are going through a political period of programmatic and organizational preparation, and of necessary accumulation, for those battles. The electoral conjuncture, in our vision, has to serve to trace these forecasts and patiently explain the left wing, anti-IMF and socialist course we propose. Of course, we are going to carry out an intense electoral campaign of the FIT-MST, with our main figures -such as Cele Fierro, Alejandro Bodart, Vilma Ripoll, Guillermo Pacagnini, our Cordoba legislator Luciana Echevarría- and our thousands of militants throughout the country. But always with an eye on the that perspective, on that strategy. This general understanding, based on the analysis of the world situation and its expression in Argentina, the confirmation of the expectations in the course of the left in our country that exists in the socialist vanguard of many places of the world, was decisive for us as a political organization, to make very important efforts to materialize this front. We must also point out that the positive repercussion the launching of the front has, proves the point we had been arguing about how opportune it would have been to create this unity earlier, for all the elections that have taken place in the country these previous months. Facing high polarization and despite the fact that our party had some good results, as a whole, the left lost an opportunity to gravitate with greater force in these those elections. For the record, we want to clarify to all militants and the broad independent reserve that follows our trajectory, that the MST accepted conditions of political positions in the front that do not entirely correspond to the existing relations of force between our party and the components of the FIT.

We did it for several reasons:

* First, because we assume responsibility for an extended demand among the working-class and youth activism for this unitary step .
* Second, because we are committed to advancing in an experience that allows in the future to resolve these issues by appealing to mechanisms for debate of the militant base, taking into account the national and organic development, insertion and extension of each force. That is, a working-class, revolutionary criterion. Although we do not rule out using the primaries as a limited mechanism but which could be a resource.
* Third, because we have confidence in being able to advance on a path of growth, massification and political-cultural renewal on the left, which also includes overcoming pettiness, short-termism and limited electoral calculations.
* Fourth, because our determination obeys a logic different from the limited municipal personalism of Luis Zamora, or the exclusive concern for legislative positions, as is the case of the NMAS, both groups self-marginalized by a mistaken and short-sighted vision.
For that orientation, we are going to contribute to the front that we have just formed, with multiplied militancy, with greater growth and implantation in the working class, the youth, the women’s movement and the neighborhoods, and be a dynamic factor of this unity at the service of the tasks and objectives that we have pointed out. In the coming days, we will draw up a road map with open assemblies, union plenaries, neighborhood meetings and an extended activity of agitation, propaganda and organization for the front with the MST, of new contingents of independent activists, to bring them on board this exciting fight for a strategy: making the revolutionary left a real alternative for a workers´ and people´s government, for a Socialist Argentina.

Mariano Rosa