Processing and Action of Our Organizations Regarding Gender-Based Complaints from a Revolutionary Perspective

Capitalism offers nothing to humanity but misery, wars, plunder, and violence. The crisis of this system is also expressed in a crisis of moral values. It is very important for us to strengthen our own values as revolutionary militants.

The fourth feminist wave shattered all kinds of concepts and structures, while also raising new issues and debates regarding morality. Our organizations are not exempt from situations of gender-based violence, which we must address and which we must give an answer to.

This is a contribution from the Secretariat of Argentine MST to the ISL Congress. We seek to share what we have elaborated within our party and, at the same time, to help establish standard criteria across our international organization. We need to be prepared to act when faced with this kind of situation. If we do not address them correctly, we can put our own party structures at risk. Furthermore, if this contribution is adopted internationally, it would allow us to work under the same criteria and strengthen our organizations.

Our Method

We must act swiftly when any gender-related problem arises

within our organizations:

a) First and foremost, we must be fully aware that building of our parties and organizations takes place within this capitalist and patriarchal society. This includes its vices, and therefore, we are not exempt from these distortions affecting our organizations. We aspire to develop and grow fundamentally within the working class, where such behaviors and deformations are common and thus can be introduced into the party’s ranks. It is important to understand that no worker ceases to be sexist simply by joining the party: it is a process that takes time. We must consciously embrace that process if we aim to lead the working class in its struggle against capitalism.

The same thing happens with other problematic behaviors we inherit from the capitalist system (selfishness, individualism, careerism), these tendencies also infiltrate the party. We must be aware of this in order to fight against it effectively and not to relativize it.

b) We establish a political orientation within our organization so that our militants, through solid political and moral education, can overcome the social average standard. We do not give up the task of incorporating into our ranks thousands of workers who have been shaped by capitalist society. Therefore, as we train and educate comrades in Marxism and Trotskyism, we must also educate our militants in solidarity, teamwork, and socialist feminism. This task involves the entire party—from the leadership to every grassroots militant—and must be carried out by the party’s political bodies through meetings, discussions, seminars, workshops, followed closely systematically and organizationally.

c) Everyone must be aware that we have an organic functioning through which we resolve all the problems that arise from the party’s militant activity— be it political, methodological, or moral. Therefore, just as our political framework and debates take place through party bodies, where we collectively elaborate positions and express our opinions, doubts, and even differences—without yielding to the tendencies imposed by the bourgeois press or social media—we must act in the same way when these types of problems arise. We must not give in to bourgeois and petty-bourgeois prejudices that promote distrust toward political leaderships and parties without distinguishing between class and politics. Only within our organizational bodies, and through collective discussion based on precise information, can we draw the best conclusions.

d) Does the above mean that we will doubt those complaints acting just like the bourgeois justice system and establishment parties? Absolutely not—quite the opposite. We trust our class organization and our method. We are confident that we will thoroughly and consistently address every element necessary to reach the truth and a resolution that is consistent with our principles. We do not place trust in other organizations since we are aware that there are political apparatuses that use slander, intrigue, and lies as common practices in political disputes. Nor do we trust the class-based and patriarchal justice system, which re-victimizes survivors and guarantees impunity. We do not trust the media, which only purpose is to sensationalize and serve the bourgeoisie’s interests. Therefore, we uphold our right and our duty to judge our own militants.

e) This means that to address these kinds of situations, we rely on our own organizational structures. First, on the political bodies or their leaderships (committees, regional leaderships, and the National Leadership). Often, once the issue is raised and discussed, it can be resolved quickly through regular channels. If no sufficient response is obtained, one can always appeal to the next higher body. And in cases where no resolution is reached, or if the matter involves moral issues, it is always possible to refer it to the Party Moral Commission (in parties that have such bodies), to a special commission created for that purpose, or to the Moral Commission of the International, according to the case’s degree of seriousness.

f) In this regard, every comrade must be aware that they have the full right to report to the pertaining bodies any behavior by any militant (especially if it involves a leadership member) that goes against these principles. In our party, being a leadership member implies greater responsibilities and commitments — and in no way greater privileges (neither material, “affective,” nor of any other kind).

The Changes We Need

Feminist revolution has advanced by challenging old structures and concepts, denaturalizing behaviors, and questioning all kinds of practices. As in every revolutionary process, we have the obligation to learn from this experience — to continuously reflect, elaborate, and critically reassess some of our own practices.

The fourth feminist wave not only brought historic demands of women to the forefront but also questioned a whole set of patriarchal, male-chauvinist practices that had been normalized for centuries: from catcalling to objectification, including multiple forms of violence and abuse, as well as the role of the State and its institutions in upholding both capitalism and patriarchy. It also put all institutions to the test — including workers’ organizations.

Even though our organizations have strongly taken up the struggle of women’s and LGBTQ+ movement, and have defended these positions in our program for decades, that does not mean that sexist behaviors have never existed within our own ranks. As we have already pointed out, our parties grow and act within this capitalist and patriarchal system, including all its vices. We are not immune to these elements penetrating our organizations. Comrades do not cease to be sexist merely by joining the party — it is a long process.

Moreover, social normalization of specific behaviors also implies normalization within the revolutionary party itself. The current feminist wave has raised new issues and debates that were not previously posed — at least not as present as today — such as power dynamics in relationships, sexual freedom and emotional responsibilities, or practices that, while not necessarily constituting crimes, can still be considered abusive. That’s why the current feminist wave also challenges us as a party, as it should, since our parties are composed of militants who are shaped within this society.

The behavior of our militants cannot be isolated from the struggles we wage in the streets, in political disputes, and in theoretical-political elaboration. This is a problem that must be addressed with utmost seriousness and as a fundamental part of building a revolutionary party with a strong method and moral foundation. We must be willing to question and rethink whatever is necessary. We must incorporate into our internal mechanisms the tools needed to fight against any expression of abuse, harassment, or sexist violence. We must work to denaturalize sexist attitudes and to prevent such acts, while simultaneously educating the party collectively and individually. This begins within our organizational bodies and is complemented by participation in discussions, workshops, and political education courses, for example.

The Moral Commission (MC)

When our parties reach a certain level of development, it becomes important to establish a Moral Commission (MC) that is independent from the Central Committee. In smaller parties, special commissions should be set up to deal with issues related to morality or cases of gender-based violence.

The Moral Commission is a body that acts when the inherited distortions from our upbringing express themselves in specific ways that violate our moral principles.

We do not trust the bourgeois justice system, nor other courts or gender commissions that involve other organizations (which may even be hostile). We uphold the right and the duty of revolutionary organizations to judge their own militants. In any case, we may take advise, as we have done in other situations, of an independent tribunal — but only if it is acknowledged by all parties involved. And this applies not only to gender-related issues, but also to other accusations or slander.

Two central bodies are elected by party congresses: first is the National Leadership, and second is the Moral Commission, which is responsible for solving cases related to party morality that militants bring before it. Its members are elected unanimously or by a broad majority based on their moral standing and cannot belong to any national leadership body.

Although they are not chosen based on political trajectory, they must have a solid and stable moral one, along with continuous party militancy. The entire party places its trust in this Commission to handle cases concerning moral conduct. Its resolutions are binding and can only be appealed before a party congress. The same criteria should be used to create Special Commissions in places where there is no permanent Moral Commission.

The Moral Commission is an independent body, but it works closely with the National Leadership, and since it is appointed by a congress, it must report on its work to the following congress. Where possible, these commissions should have a female majority.

Our recommendation is that all our parties elect their own Moral Commissions, and where this is not possible due to size, they should adopt the political orientation of creating special commissions to address moral issues. Furthermore, in cases that cannot be resolved satisfactorily at national level, an appeal should be made to the International — especially when the issues at stake could endanger both our national organizations and the International itself.

Its Objectives

Party bodies must serve as channels for militant education — not only in theoretical and political aspects but also regarding our method and tradition — in order to fight against such behaviors. However, these problems often translate into moral issues that affect relationships among comrades and the functioning of the party itself. It is in these situations that the Moral Commission (MC) intervenes, seeking to properly address these problems through the application of the correct method, with the goal of recovering for the party and its moral principles those comrades — men and women — who have made mistakes in their conduct, deviating from our methods and traditions.

Who Can Bring a Case to the Commission?

Any comrade in the party has the right to bring a case before the MC — whether they are a rank-and-file militant or a member of the national leadership — regardless of whom the case involves, and without needing authorization from any other party body. In other words, the MC handles any case presented by a militant, regardless of their level of responsibility within the organization. The MC may also summon any militant to give testimony, and attendance is mandatory.

Avoiding the summons without justification is sufficient cause for sanction. Anyone wishing to present a case may contact the MC directly, either in writing or in person, or may do so through their organism or leadership.

MC Functioning

When the MC takes on a case, its first step is to determine whether it is considered a violation of party morality. If it considers that the case is indeed of a moral nature, it proceeds to gather the necessary testimonies to fully assess the situation and attempt to resolve it. This characterization is crucial, since moral issues often overlap with political ones. Therefore, the first determination the MC must make when taking on a case is determining if it is of moral matter.

Once the Commission has a clear understanding of the case, it issues a resolution. This document outlines the facts considered in the analysis, presents the relevant considerations, and finally lists the resolutions adopted.

These resolutions always aim at rehabilitation and may include: A warning; Temporary suspension; Removal from the party; Expulsion from the party.

Resolutions are communicated to the National Leadership, which is responsible for carrying them out directly or delegating their execution to a regional leadership. All resolutions may be appealed only before the National Congress or the International Congress, as appropriate.

The MC’s Criteria for Gender-related Violence Cases

We do not have a single, standardized “protocol” to apply in cases of gender violence, since we believe that no single set of rules can be applied identically to all situations. However, in such cases, the Moral Commission acts according to a set of general principles:

1. Take the complaint and protect the potential victim. We begin by considering every complaint — no matter where it comes from or whom it concerns. We live in a patriarchal and sexist society, where power dynamics are asymmetrical and where the vast majority of gender violence complaints turn out to be true. We are also fully aware that our party is not immune to such cases, since we exist and develop within this very society. Therefore, our first step is always to take the complaint, listen to the person making it, and, together with the pertaining political bodies, agree on preventive measures to protect the potential victim until the case is investigated and we reach a resolution. These preventive measures may vary depending on the seriousness of the case — from temporarily separating the alleged aggressor from militant activity, to ensuring they do not share common spaces, or assigning supervision by the relevant body.

2. Consider and investigate the complaint promptly. Once a complaint is made, we immediately move to the investigation stage, which also includes the accused’s right to defense. This is a key difference from the unconditional “I believe you” position. We support this concept insofar as it represents a movement breaking silence and fear, advancing against abusive and violent practices, and challenging aggressor’s impunity. However, we are also aware that there are political apparatuses or hostile individuals who use slander, intrigue, and lies as a common weapon in political disputes. False accusations also exist. Thus, for us, taking and considering a complaint does not mean automatic condemnation. Our commitment to “I believe you” means taking every complaint seriously, listening to the

victim, and conducting a thorough and genuine investigation.

Our goal as revolutionaries is to seek the truth — which can only be achieved through a serious, in-depth investigation that focuses not on re-victimization but on establishing the facts. This means analyzing the situation, listening to both parties, and to anyone who can provide additional clarity or context. The investigation also allows us to deepen our understanding of the issue, to determine whether it is an isolated case or part of a broader pattern, and to identify any other offenses or issues that may arise.

3. Sanctions. Once the investigation is completed, and if warranted, the MC proceeds to issue a sanction — with an educational and rehabilitative approach whenever possible since this is a systemic problem, not a merely individual one. We believe that, in many cases, valuable militants can be recovered for a healthy practice of revolutionary party-building. However, we are also conscious that in cases of severe, repeated, or unrepentant behavior, or for other serious reasons, expulsion may be the only appropriate response. This point is crucial, since there is an ongoing debate within the vanguard — in the context of the current feminist wave — about how to address and combat sexism within popular organizations. Our starting point is understanding that, since this is a problem rooted in social structures rather than isolated behavior, our main task is to educate in practices contrary to those imposed on us since childhood. Accordingly, when solving such cases, we consider a range of possibilities — from re-education and deconstruction, to multiple types of sanctions, including expulsion as a last resort.

4. Levels of Responsibility. Finally, it is also important to emphasize that in our party, the greater the political responsibility, the harsher the sanction. If a comrade from the national leadership of an ISL section is accused of gender violence, the national leadership of said organization will communicate the issue to the IEC.

Adopted by the III World Congress of the ISL