Considering
The rise of the far right and the rejection it provokes in broad sectors of the population, together with the deepening crisis of “progressivism” and the current weakness of revolutionary alternatives, are factors that are favoring the revitalization or emergence of broad anti-capitalist expressions in different countries.
That this situation poses a challenge for revolutionary organizations, which must correctly respond to these phenomena. In this context, there is a reactivation of debates on which are the most appropriate tactics and orientations to strengthen our central strategy: the construction of solid revolutionary parties in each country and of the International.
That although there is diversity in the origins and development of these “broad anti-capitalist parties” depending on the country in which they emerge, they share certain common features:
a) they emerge to the left of social democracy, the traditional center-left or, in some cases, the Stalinist communist parties;
b) they generally emerge in contexts of crisis and social upheaval;
c) they uphold a radical reformist program that questions the capitalist system without seeking to destroy it, but rather to reform it;
d) they manage, during part of their development, to influence sections of the masses and attract significant sectors of the vanguard.
That previous experiences—such as Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, the Left Bloc in Portugal, or the NPA in France—have allowed conclusions to be drawn about their characteristics and limitations, revealing a common cycle: periods of growth and expansion followed by crisis and decomposition.
That we are currently witnessing the decline of Brazil’s PSOL—which we helped to found in response to the PT’s shift toward the bourgeois camp—due to its rapid adaptation to Lula’s government. However, we can also note the resurgence of organizations that seemed to be in decline, such as Die Linke in Germany, which is once again attracting large sections of young people in a context of polarization against neo-fascist forces. Similarly, in the United States, there is the possibility of a revitalization of the DSA following Mamdani’s election as mayor of New York and the mobilizations against Trump. In the United Kingdom, the prospect of a new party is opening up in the wake of splits and calls from leading Labour figures such as Corbyn and Zultana. In Argentina, the Left Front Unity (FITU), due to its program and composition, stands out as something different and has earned and kept considerable space among workers and youth. However, by not evolving into a unified Party with Tendencies, it remains at the stage of an electoral front, limiting its development to contend power.
That this situation demands a deeper debate on how to intervene in these phenomena, which we began with the texts published in issue 9 of our magazine Permanent Revolution.
The Third Congress of the ISL resolves:
1. To reaffirm that our strategy is to build revolutionary parties and to advance the organization and mobilization of the working class until the bourgeoisie is overthrown and a workers’ government is established.
2. To establish that, based on this strategy, we must remain open to all initiatives and tactics that allow us to advance in that direction.
3. To point out that there is no single recipe for defining tactics and orientations. Each case must be assessed specifically, based on the particular situation of class struggle, the way in which these phenomena develop, and the strength of our own forces to intervene.
4. Reject both opportunistic orientations—such as those of the USFI—that turn Broad Anti-Capitalist Parties into a permanent strategy, abandoning the construction of the revolutionary party. As well as sectarian orientations that absolutely reject intervening in these experiences as if it were a matter of principle.
5. Affirm that participation in these parties is a tactic and, therefore, should be considered temporary. Due to the class character of the leadership and their reformist programs these organizations have an “expiration date”: after a period of growth, they inevitably adapt to the bourgeois order. This process accelerates as the possibility of reaching the government increases.
6. Consider that what is key is to implement politics to respond to these phenomena. The tactic should be adapted to the specific circumstances of each place, whether by joining these organizations temporarily—either fully or partially—or by intervening from outside. There may also be times when this tactic must be adapted to act more underground within these organizations, as happened years ago with Marea Socialista in Venezuela when the PSUV was formed, or as may be happening now in the case of Your Party, where even before the party is formally formed, a bureaucratic method is being is developing with membership obstacles or exclusion of sectors.
7. Establish that, if entry into these organizations is tactically resolved, political and organizational independence must be strictly maintained. Our strategy consists of gathering political activists around our current, fighting all necessary battles against the reformist course of their leaderships, and preparing to leave when the situation dictates it. This is a tactic aimed at strengthening the construction of our parties and the ISL.
