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The images of Plaza de Mayo are indisputable. The mobilized energy that went through all of us was enormous. A mass demonstration against Milei and his accomplices from one end of the country to the other, with gigantic gatherings. The outstanding fact was the unity achieved between the Encuentro Memoria, Verdad y Justicia and the Mesa de Organismos de DD.HH. In this article we share our political intent, determination, polemics, hypothesis and prognoses about yesterday’s event. A majority made it possible and a (shameful) minority failed even more than last year to weaken it. Today it is time for a first balance. We leave our point of view as participants of this historic March 24, 50 years after the genocidal coup in Argentina.

By Mariano Rosa

March 24 in Argentina works as a social thermometer. It measures the mood of a huge sector of our people. This 24th surpassed by far all expectations. In the epicenter of the national political power it manifested itself as a challenge, as an affirmation of conscience and will saying: it was genocide, 30 thousand victima and we want them to say where they are. The dimension of the popular force deployed throughout the territory confirms the accumulated democratic reserve that still exists. The verdict of the streets anticipates that the ultra-reactionary, fascistoid project of Milei and his accomplices, has a very big obstacle to consolidate in the medium term. It is also important to note that the massive mobilizations do not act exclusively as a message to the confronting pole, but at the same time they are an incentive to the will of those who participate. They are a very strong factor of self-confidence, of forward momentum. Those of us who participated in this historic action experienced it this way and we left with renewed energy to face the challenge of a complex stage. Yesterday’s Plaza in Buenos Aires and the human tide that crossed the country from one end to the other added impetus for the social opposition to the ultra-right to retake the initiative. The joy that was experienced was contagious. The emotion of Adolfo, Elia, Estela, Taty and all the Mothers, Grandmothers, the leaders of the Human Rights organizations and the organizers of the event multiplied in a mirror.

Unitary act in the diversity of the struggles and with the message that had to be given.

For almost 20 years there were no unitary acts on March 24. That reality was not positive. The organizations that, back in 2006-2007, regrouped in the Memory, Truth and Justice Encounter, did so in defense of an independent position from the State and all governments. We resisted the state appropriation of a date on which we continue to claim from the State, from the different governments that have passed, and that is why we never joined officialist claims and electoral uses of this date. We supported it, we defended it and it was right to do so. But since Milei won, and the political stage of the country changed with the ruling ultra-right, our party together with the majority of the EMVyJ began to fight for unity in the streets, around the 24 M of all of us organized without losing our independence and raising the banners we have always defended. Already last year, with the majority of the members of the EMVyJ (more than 40 organizations) we managed to build together with the Table of Organisms a powerful act, also huge and preparatory to this one for the 50th anniversary of the genocidal coup. In 2026 we achieved an action superior in quantity and quality to that of last year:

• Because officially the EMVyJ by consensus of overwhelming majority called early to the act together with the Bureau of Organizations.
• Because the act had a component of vindication of the struggles in its central scenario, with the main ones that confronted Milei: Garrahan, FATE, Disability, Pensioners, University, Feminisms and Diversities, CONICET, the teaching profession represented by the sisters (also teachers) of Cristian Pereyra, murdered by a policeman in Matanza; Migrants, State employees, etc.
• Because Pablo Grillo took the stage and recorded the event again as an active photojournalist, a gesture of resistance and dignity that received a standing ovation.
• Because the document jointly prepared and read in the Plaza was superior to the message of 2025.
• Because the protagonism on the stage, together with the struggles and the recovered grandchildren, belonged to the Human Rights organizations in a clear and meridian way.

Once again, the agreements in the Plaza were 100% fulfilled: the representation of the EMVyJ and that of the Bureau of Organizations acted as a team to guarantee what had been agreed. No maneuvers, no disloyalty.
The document, in particular, is impeccable:

• It demands the opening of archives from 1974, ergo, the Triple A stage and the explicit denunciation.
• Denounces the IMF and the debt.
• Rejects DNU 70, RIGI and the extractivist model.
• Repudiates the Slave Labor Reform, denounces senators, congressmen and governors complicit in its approval
• It demands the implementation of laws passed in Congress, such as Pediatric Emergency, Disability and University Funding.
• Defends the Glaciers Law.
• Denounces the Zionist persecution of Alejandro Bodart and Vanina Biasi, as well as the double-barreled judicial process against CFK.
• It demands a strike and a plan of struggle from all the workers’ centers.
• It stands in solidarity with the Palestinian, Cuban and Iranian people regardless of their regimes.

These and other very correct definitions, which are part of the EMVyJ’s identity banners, outlined a political message totally and completely compatible with what we have been raising in the last two decades.

Such an event, unitary in diversity, of struggle, combative and independent, was a victory in the whole line of the united front policy and consequently a categorical defeat of sectarianism and opportunism of those who in minority tried to prevent what had to be done and what we did.

The pitiful role of a sector of the left (shameful)

Frankly, the role of Bregman and Del Caño’s party (PTS), the PO and at another level due to its smaller size, the NMAS, was more than regrettable. For several reasons, also very evident and some of them bordering on a recurrent electoral opportunism:

• First, because they did not accept the 15 to 1 majority position of the EMVyJ regarding the call of March 24: they operated in the press (in chorus with La Nación and Clarín) trying to install that there were two documents and two acts, without the slightest sense of proportions, between a mass action and another marginal and inconsequential one that not even its promoters dare to show.
• Second, because they slipped again into a shameful opportunism, questioning from below the unitary act, and at the same time, promoting Bregman and other figures in networks and the press, using images of an action that they did not call for, that they tried to boycott (which obviously they did not succeed in doing), but presenting themselves as promoters of what they rejected. The paroxysm of the skid was Bregman in the 23 M vigil called by La Poderosa in Plaza de Mayo where she presented herself on stage as the promoter of the unitary act that her party fought against the following day. Straight fake news.
• Third, they (PTS-Bregman), the PO with Biasi (thanking Esquivel for the section of the document where he names her, even though the PO document rejects it: a whole bunch of junk), invent an act that did not exist where the protagonist would have been Kicillof, and the vindication of Rucci and other delusions, or the way would have been paved for an electoral front with the PJ.
• To complete the hilarious picture, the NMAS begged the Table of Organizations for several days for a wristband to access the stage of the act that they denounced as “of unity with Peronism and the bureaucracy”. Of course, the questionings are to comply with the sectarianism of the holidays with semi-hidden articles signed by internal leaders, while the electoral figures (be it Bregman, Biasi or Castañeira) usufruct the act against which they militated.

The typical double standard of sectarianism that goes hand in hand with opportunism: sectarians for the niche, opportunists to look good to the progressive voter. All shameful.

On Tuesday in the Plaza, the unity of the human rights organizations, the massiveness of the turnout and the powerful fact of the unity achieved in diversity. There was no electoral act of Peronism, nor any imprint of the union bureaucracy, nor any of that. This was notorious for any elementary honesty analysis. For this reason, the EMVyJ articulation, which was the protagonist in the Plaza, comes out very strengthened with what was achieved.

Consistency to the end

In politics, the sense of opportunity is key, decisive. Taking advantage of opportunities and assuming the historical responsibilities that touch each organization is fundamental to influence, to weigh, to influence positively. We as a party, our human rights collective, the CADHU (Centro de Abogadas/os por los Derechos Humanos), were animators and promoters of the EMVyJ since its origin. We did not doubt it. But we never did it by celebrating that there were always two acts, two marches on March 24. But we assumed the need to defend an independent position against the nationalization of the date. But we understood, together with the overwhelming majority of the EMVyJ, that it was indispensable to work for a Plaza of unity without losing the physiognomy of our space. It was never unity for the sake of unity. But least of all the sectarian closed-mindedness of those who refuse to be protagonists or the speculations of those who reason according to some electoral calculation. Protagonists of unity in the difference. This March 24 we gave a hard blow to the fascist project that governs. But also to those who do not take charge of what they contributed to its arrival or who let it run without doing much for more than 2 years.

The policy for which we fought (not alone, otherwise it would not have been possible), but together with a very qualitative block of forces of the Encuentro is more than a tactic of circumstances: it is the conception of a force that considers that an anti-capitalist, socialist left is needed, centered on the class struggle but with the vocation of a majority, of disputing centrality and political influence, of building something really new to overcome Peronism as a project in all its variants. With that coherence, we were proudly where we had to be 50 years after the genocidal coup.