By Martin Suchanek, Workers’ Power Germany.

School students, students and young workers are at the forefront of a struggle against the rising cost of living, the housing crisis, the state of education, cuts, precarious working conditions, militarisation and racism.

The immediate triggers for this rebellion may vary from place to place. However, its deep, structural cause remains the same: the deep, structural crisis of capitalism in Europe and the attempt by all bourgeois governments to shift the costs of the crisis onto the working class and young people.

A Europe-wide wave

There is no doubt that France’s school students were the catalyst for the movement. Shortages of staff and educational resources, difficulties in accessing higher education, and rising housing costs have fuelled the protests. Since September, young people have been blocking thousands of schools, and hundreds of thousands are taking part in the demonstrations despite massive police violence and thousands of arrests. The movement has long since spread to the universities as well.

Added to this outrage is resistance to rising fuel prices and the deterioration of public services. The resurgence of demonstrations by various social groups has once again brought to the fore the profound structural, political and social crisis facing the bloc of European imperialist powers. The trade unions, too, are calling for participation in the demonstrations, even if their leaderships do not wish to generalise the actions.

In Spain, the forced eviction of pensioner Maricarmen Abascal on 23 September was the last straw. Her death sparked a wave of outrage. The struggle for housing spread to various cities and reached its peak with the tent camp at the Puerta del Sol in Madrid. The movement is directed against exorbitant rents, property speculation and the impossibility of achieving financial independence. After turning a blind eye for 14 years, the UGT and CC.OO. trade unions were forced to call a general strike for 11 November, as demanded by the protesters and organisations campaigning for decent housing.

There is also unrest in Italy. The student protests, which began in Turin and spread to Rome, Bologna and Naples, are calling for, amongst other things, affordable housing, more grants and free public transport. In Milan, Turin and other cities, the demonstrations also saw calls for resistance against the war, against rising energy costs and against Meloni’s policies. The CGIL, Italy’s largest trade union, called for a general strike on 20 November.

In Belgium, school students in Wallonia and Brussels took to the streets to protest against the cuts to education, health and social services being pushed through by the government. The measures are jeopardising school resources, free meals and travel allowances, and are also making education more expensive.

In Portugal, demonstrators at protests and sit-ins in Lisbon and Porto are calling for rent caps, an end to evictions and the expansion of social housing. It is worth noting that Portugal has just emerged from a successful general strike, which played a key role in preventing the anti-worker labour package.

In Germany, thousands of young people are fighting back against the reintroduction of compulsory military service and warning of the consequences of militarisation. In Albania, too, there are fierce protests against a lack of career prospects, cuts to education and the government. In Ireland, 300,000 workers took part in a public sector strike.

These are not isolated cases. Even though every country has its own specific circumstances, the protests reflect the same social crisis and a growing willingness to fight.

Why France?

At the same time, it is no coincidence that the movement has taken on such proportions in France, and that the struggle is being waged most fiercely there. This is rooted in the decline of French imperialism. In recent years, the former ‘Grand Nation’ has lost a great deal of influence in its former colonies in Africa to other powers. Economically, French capital is falling even further behind – not only compared with China and the US, but also with Germany as the leading EU power. Public debt is further restricting the country’s room for manoeuvre, whilst its creditworthiness is declining, leading to a further increase in the debt burden and the cost of new loans.

Furthermore, Macron has been ruling by decree for years – and without a secure majority in parliament. The discrepancy between the President’s ambitions as a great power and his lack of an economic and political base is becoming increasingly apparent, particularly as his term in office draws to a close. Macron is responding to the mass protests by young people and the discontent of the masses with his characteristic blend of arrogance, demagoguery and repression. The streets are giving him the response he deserves. Despite curfews, tens of thousands of police officers and army special forces, hundreds of thousands are taking to the streets week after week in October.

Fortunately, the transparent ploy to divide the movement into ‘good’ and ‘bad’ demonstrators has so far had little, if any, effect. But this will continue and may well take hold if the movement itself does not go beyond the stage of protests and blockades and fails to become a wave centred in the workplaces, capable of paralysing the production of surplus value through strikes.

And those in power are equally determined to demonise the movement with racist demagoguery. Unlike during the Gilets jaunes (Yellow Vests) protests a few years ago, the European far right is presenting a united front against the mass movement of young people, but also of workers. The ‘riots’ and the ‘chaos’ are said to be the result of migration. Now, young migrants from the suburbs and poorer neighbourhoods, in alliance with ‘far-left extremists’ – including Mélenchon’s ‘La France insoumise’ – have stormed the city centres. Macron and the bourgeois centre are to blame for all this, they say, because they are not nationalistic enough. ‘Law and order’ must now be restored with a ‘firm hand’.

In Germany, the AfD accuses far-left extremists and migrants of working hand in hand to destroy law and order and to ‘infiltrate’ Germany. However, it is by no means only the far right who have long been warning of this danger. According to German Interior Minister Dobrindt, too, there is a threat of a “joint struggle against the democratic system” by left-wing extremists and migrants, against which only racist demonisation, deportations and even more surveillance can help. And, just like La France insoumise, even Die Linke is regarded in this country as a pioneer of this impending attack on the “free and democratic basic order”.

What is also striking about this racist and authoritarian demagoguery is that the mass movements in Europe are forcing all parties of the capitalist and imperialist order into a political and ideological alliance. Whether it is Meloni, Merz or Macron – they all recognise in the youth rebellion and an emerging alliance with the working class a political enemy of their class and their system. And rightly so.

Young people as the catalyst for the movement

Of course, it is no coincidence that young people are at the heart of the movement so far and have been its catalyst. There are several reasons for this.

Firstly, in contrast to the organised labour movement, teenagers and young people have formed the backbone of international mass movements in recent years. The most important of these – because it was also directly directed against imperialist policies – was undoubtedly the solidarity movement with Palestine. Of course, this was not in itself a purely youth movement, but it was primarily young people who took to the streets in their hundreds of thousands, side by side with their Palestinian, Arab and Muslim fellow citizens. These young people also played a decisive role in ensuring that trade unions in some European countries organised strikes in solidarity with Palestine and halted the transport of weapons, at least temporarily.

Furthermore, the Palestine solidarity movement was not the only movement to have brought large numbers of young people onto the streets across Europe in recent years. This also applies to the environmental movement (Fridays for Future and the climate strikes) and, at least in part, to the struggle against racism and militarism. As a result, a whole generation of young activists has emerged who possess international connections, at least in a rudimentary form. They act as catalysts for the expansion of struggles and actions beyond national borders, although the organisational structures underpinning such connections remain fairly rudimentary as yet.

Secondly, young people across Europe are affected by the same social and political problems. After all, a deteriorating or even collapsing education system characterised by cancelled lessons, overcrowded classrooms, a shortage of teachers and buildings in need of renovation is not unique to France, but is found everywhere. The only difference lies in how acute and burning these problems are.

The crisis of capitalism is forcing young people across Europe into precarious working conditions and low-paid jobs. Millions upon millions face a future of lower incomes, a lower standard of living, higher prices for housing, energy and food, and greater insecurity than the generation of their parents, who often had to make do with even less than their own parents. Social decline, reduced purchasing power and greater job insecurity have become the defining reality of life for the working class and, to some extent, even for the middle classes – a reality with which young people in Europe are all too familiar.

Added to this is militarisation, for which wage earners must foot the bill. Above all, however, young people are to be conscripted for the next overseas deployment, for the next imperialist intervention, right up to full-scale wars, and drilled there into blind obedience for profit and the imperialist fatherland, NATO and the EU.

Thirdly, young people recognise their allies in the working class. In France, parents, trade unions and the Left showed solidarity with the school students and their actions. Parents took to the streets to protect their children from police brutality. In Italy and France, moreover, the youth movement is joining forces with the struggle against the rising cost of living faced by the entire working class. In Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland, large-scale strikes have taken place and are still taking place, which are perceived by school pupils and students across Europe as part of a common struggle.

And it is precisely this latter aspect – the nascent connection with the working class – that is causing capital and the bourgeois governments the greatest headache. A new May ’68 is in the air – and this must be prevented.

The ruling class’s options are extremely limited. The movement’s demands are, in themselves, primarily calls for reform – for better resources for schools, for controls on food prices, for rent caps, for higher wages and decent working conditions.

Yet the Europe of capital cannot and will not afford these reforms. Even isolated concessions are too much. After all, any substantial reform in the interests of young people or the working class would set a precedent and encourage further struggles. That is why all the bourgeois, capitalist media and strategists are urging Macron and Co. not to show ‘weakness’ now, but to remain firm. After all, we are facing another wave of massive cuts, redundancies and restructuring in both the private and public sectors. Only in this way can European capitalism once again become profitable and competitive with the US and China.

And the experiences of recent years also show that the movement’s objectives will not be achieved through peaceful, parliamentary means, nor through backroom negotiations, but only through struggle on the streets, in schools, universities and workplaces. And this is precisely where the explosive power of the emerging Europe-wide movement and resistance lies. As Trotsky makes clear in the Transitional Programme, the crisis of capitalism does not render the struggle for reforms obsolete, but rather allows it to be linked to the struggle against the system: “What constitutes the distinctive feature of the present epoch is not that it frees the revolutionary party from the prosaic work of everyday life, but that it allows this everyday struggle to be waged in an indissoluble link with the tasks of the revolution.”

Workers and youth – one struggle!

The youth movement in Europe has so far attained a mass character, particularly in France. In other countries, it is still at an earlier stage of its development; in many, it is still in its infancy.

All forces engaged in class struggle must do everything in their power to expand and unite this movement in schools and universities. The international day of action against war and militarism on 20 November provides an extremely favourable opportunity for this.

To build a movement, we need clear, unifying demands for more funding for schools and universities, paid for by taxing the rich and the profits of big business, and controlled by committees of pupils, students, teachers and staff. School and university students need a guaranteed minimum income so that they are not reliant on low-paid jobs and precarious employment. Furthermore, a programme is needed to secure training places and jobs for school and university leavers, overseen by youth representatives, students and trade unions.

Demands against militarisation and rearmament must also be included. No to compulsory military service; no propaganda for the army and NATO in schools! No to spending billions on the military – instead, use these funds for social services, pensions, education, public transport and ecological renewal!

However, it will be crucial to draw the working class – and that means, above all, mass organisations such as trade unions, left-wing parties (such as Die Linke or La France insoumise), but even social democrats critical of the government – into the movement.

School pupils and students can spark a massive, Europe-wide movement. They cannot, however, bring governments and the ruling class to their knees, nor can they even secure the demands for the entire education and training sector on their own. To achieve this, the working class must be won over as an organised social force. For only the working class, by virtue of its position in the production process, is capable of paralysing the crucial sectors of the capitalist economy – the sites of surplus value production and profit-making.

It is good when parents and trade unionists join the movement out of solidarity. But to fully draw the working class into the action, we also need unifying demands for the entire class, such as a general and immediate increase in wages, pensions and social benefits, with a sliding scale and an automatic monthly adjustment in line with the real rate of inflation. There must be a price freeze and price controls on essential goods and services, on rents and on basic public services, implemented by control committees made up of wage earners.

These demands will certainly vary from country to country, but fundamentally they will always revolve around securing the livelihoods of the working class and young people. In all countries, they must be supplemented by anti-racist demands, the fight against all deportations, and full citizenship rights for migrants.

Furthermore, the movement also needs organised self-defence structures against police violence and provocations from the far right, in order to ensure the safety of its own demonstrations, occupations and strikes.

What sort of structures?

For the movement to gain momentum, it needs democratic structures controlled by the grassroots. In this way, as many activists as possible can not only decide on the demands and direction of actions at general assemblies in schools, universities and workplaces, but also elect, monitor and, where necessary, remove and replace the leadership of strikes and demonstrations.

These structures are by no means intended to exclude political parties, organisations, trade unions or works councils; rather, these bodies must subject themselves to democratic discussion and decision-making within the movement, which is binding on all. In short, the aim is to create the structures of a united front and a leadership for the struggle that is built on the principles of workers’ democracy.

The role of trade unions, political parties such as Die Linke, and organisations—including Gruppe Arbeiter:innenmach, German section of the ISL —is to put forward their proposals within the movement, to argue in their favour and to win over majorities (which also means respecting the majority that rejects their own proposals).

Such structures make it possible to form a united front that is not merely agreed upon between the leaderships of organisations, but is also supported by the rank and file.

We are bringing these proposals, perspectives and the demands set out above into the movement. We do not want them to be understood as ultimatums or preconditions for joint mobilisation, for example for 20 November. But we believe that, both internationally and in Germany, we need an open and public discussion about the movement’s perspectives, its demands, goals and structures.

Potential

In our view, this also means that we must place this discussion within the context of what is necessary to lead the movement to victory in France, but also in other countries. Merely putting pressure on the government will not be enough.

Even weekly demonstrations involving a million people, as in France, will not make the governments back down.

In countries such as France, the current situation presents both the opportunity and the necessity for a joint struggle at the highest level – a general strike involving the entire working class, the trade unions, and school pupils and students. Such an indefinite strike would immediately raise the question of the structures of the struggle – of general assemblies, democratically elected strike and action committees, their nationwide centralisation, and organised self-defence. And an indefinite general strike could ultimately not only halt the Macron government’s attacks, but would also put the question of political and social power on the agenda – that of a workers’ government based on the organs of struggle of such a strike. There is no doubt that many obstacles stand in the way of this prospect – not least the weakness of the subjective factor, the absence of a revolutionary party in all European countries.

The decisive choice: revolution or reaction

But this prospect also points to the crux of the conflict. At the heart of the class struggle lies not merely a social or trade union issue, but a political one. Years of retreat by the European labour movement have not only paved the way for the passivity of broad sections of the working class, but also for the rise of reactionary populism and its ability to influence millions of workers. The repeated political complicity of the Left in measures hostile to workers and the people has fuelled this dynamic. The rise of the far right in key European countries is a major consequence of this.

Now, the student and youth rebellions in Europe and the working class uniting and getting to the head of the struggle, as is now on the cards in France, could open up a new scenario. However, this can only happen if the labour movement throws its weight in the  class struggle. Should this not happen, a lull or defeat of the current movements could lead to an even sharper and more radical reactionary backlash. Under the slogan ‘Restoring order’, Fratelli d’Italia (Italy), Rassemblement National (France), Vox (Spain)… have already geared their propaganda in this direction.

In this sense, the crossroads between socialism and barbarism is all the more critical today. Raising this awareness within the youth and workers’ movements is at the heart of the political work of the International Socialist League and all its national sections.