NOW IS THE TIME, AND IT IS WITH THE LEFT
LET’S WORK TOWARD A NEW HISTORIC MOVEMENT
THE CHANGES WE ARE EXPERIENCING AND THE TASKS OF THE LEFT
Amid a world and a country marked by intense social and political polarization, two phenomena that are contributing to a shift in the political landscape converge. Milei is losing ground and support among segments of the population due to his anti-rights agenda. His plan is causing millions of us to face increasingly dire living conditions. On the other hand, Peronism— a historic party with a popular social base and a leadership that acts as a cornerstone of the bourgeois regime—is failing to stabilize its crisis and is instead deepening it. Peronism has disappointed millions and is now mired in failure, fragmentation, internal strife, and a loss of support among the working class and the people.
This results in a political stepforward by the left, which—organized within the Left Front Unity—increasingly emerges as an alternative to all old-style politics. Polls show that leaders like Myriam Bregman feature steadily rising approval ratings. Meanwhile, FIT-U leaders such as Cele Fierro, Alejandro Bodart, and Ana Paredes Landman are traveling the country, garnering support and growing sympathy for the left-wing project we are building. This sympathy and support for the left is reflected in opinion polls, but also reflects the social support found in every workplace and school, in working-class neighborhoods, and in ongoing struggles—where the left has been gaining ground by being the only political current that provides real and consistent support to those who take to the streets to demand their rights.
This turn to the left by a significant segment of the working class and the youth, along with the likely prospect that the crisis within Peronism will not abate—and that this will pave the way for a major advance by the anti-capitalist and socialist left—highlights the need for us to positively transform our current political tools, such as the FIT-U. Plus, opening up the possibility of the emergence of something new and powerful—a great revolutionary party or movement that brings together existing parties, or at least those willing to take a strategic and unifying step toward a common political organization of the revolutionary left. The goal is to strengthen ourselves as the left in the face of a likely prospect of major changes and a leap forward in class struggle—changes that will open up the historic opportunity and challenge to contest political power in the country, and for the left to govern for the first time.
So what should we do? How do we continue fighting against the far-right and Milei until we defeat them? How do we respond to those who propose a path within the structures and logic of this decaying capitalist system? What do we say to the thousands who are disillusioned with Peronism and other traditional political currents? What role must the Left Front—Unity play in this situation? What kind of party or movement are we building, how, and with whom? If we come to power, what program will we carry out? How can you get involved in this struggle? On these and other issues, we share our ideas and proposals in this MST manifesto for the Left Front Unity.
UNITY IN THE STREETS AND STRUGGLES COORDINATION TO DEFEAT THE RIGHT AND THE BOSSES’
We cannot continue to tolerate Milei’s far-right government. With each passing day, there is a new attack against the social and democratic rights of the working and popular majorities. Although it is weaker, under fire, and losing social support, we cannot underestimate the government, much less give it time or breathing room, as the Peronist union bureaucracy does by letting it act unchecked. We must confront it with all our strength until we defeat it and put an end to its entire plan. Milei and his government want to stay in power and even intend to seek reelection. We want them to leave through the power of massive struggle in the streets, not by waiting for elections. We must defeat him as soon as possible.
To that end, we must promote the greatest possible unity of action in the streets, without any kind of sectarianism, to ensure that millions of us stand up to the government.
In addition, it is key to develop united-front politics in each specific struggle, as the Garrahan workers have done—they organizing open town hall meetings, mass assemblies at the hospital, rallies, strikes, demonstrations that united workers in their diversity, pressuring other leaderships to support their struggle, and various street actions that twisted the government’s arm. The Garrahan struggle has been and remains a great example of what can be done to defeat the government.
Currently, as Milei and the bosses’ associations continue attacking, we must support every struggling sector. We must to surround them with solidarity to help them win their battles for wages, decent pensions, against layoffs, for social assistance for those in need, for genuine work, for universities and science, for public, free, and equitable health care and education, in defense of our common goods, and our democratic, gender, and sexual diversity rights. From the left, capitalizing on the progress we’re making and the growing social and political support that’s becoming evident, we must play an elemental role in channeling that progress and the sympathy of millions toward supporting those who are fighting, encouraging every struggle, helping to unite and extend them widely, and allowing their confidence and enthusiasm to grow to take to the streets—thereby countering and confronting the passivity approach of all bureaucracies.
There’s no time to waste. In addition to supporting these struggles, we must help coordinate them, we cannot rely on the old, rotten union bureaucracy. We must take the struggle of each sector into our own hands, promoting coordination in every city and region, building new, genuine, open, and democratic spaces that truly support each struggle by proposing measures that unify and strengthen them, that bring together workers’ and popular activism while respecting the decisions of each sector, and advancing beyond the limited experience of the Plenary of Combative Trade Unionism (PSC)—a forum that has played no positive role in any of the most important struggles of recent times.
We must promote assemblies in workplaces and schools to make decisions democratically, as well as genuine processes of self-organization, which can evolve into experiences that foreshadow future dual-power bodies. In every union or student organization that the left leads, we must truly transform them—without replicating the methods of the bureaucracy, but rather by appealing to the rank and file, to assembly-based decision-making, and, above all, ensuring that thousands of people truly have a say. We must also organize working-class families in working-class neighborhoods, democratically and in opposition to the old patronage systems, supporting the struggle for work and social assistance.
Finally, based on these struggles and organizing efforts, we must, of course, continue to demand that the union bureaucracies of the major federations call for the necessary national actions and strikes to defeat Milei’s plan and the bosses’ agenda. We must commit to building a massive political, union, and social action against Milei’s plan and the austerity measures of all the country governors—a great march of anger that unifies and energizes the ongoing struggles.
DON’T WASTE TIME ON THE DISSAPOINTMENT THAT IS PERONISM
Along with the need to defeat the current government and all the austerity-minded governors—regardless of their party affiliation—we must pave the way for a new and different political alternative that breaks with all the patterns of past experiences that have disappointed and imposed austerity on the majority. These experiences, carried out by previous governments, have been responsible for worsening the lives of the vast majority and for plunging the country into the disaster we are suffering today.
That is why, if we truly want to move forward and bring about positive change—including a future for our families—we cannot fall back into the failed formulas of those who have already governed us. Every time Milei’s agenda begins to falter, old politicians and former austerity officials return with promises and false solutions. The very same people who, when they were in government, caused disasters and thus paved the way for the rise of Milei, now want to appear as saviors, asking once again to be supported and voted for. They are the same people who, during these nearly three years of libertarian government, have had representatives and senators vote for the government’s bills, provide quorum, or skip sessions when their vote is decisive. They are representatives of old parties like the PJ or the UCR who are incapable of curbing the far right or defeating it—neither within Parliament nor on the streets, where they do little to nothing against Milei.
We want to call on millions of people to do something new—which is the only way to avoid falling into political traps that only lead to further disappointments. We are sincerely convinced that if there is one thing that is impossible, is for solutions to the lack of wages, jobs, housing, health care, or education to be brought by those who, every time they are in power, impose austerity measures and make our lives worse. We can not trust them at all. There are plenty of past and present examples showing that nothing good will come from the old political structures that do not represent our needs and demands, nor our aspirations for change and a dignified life.
Forging a path toward something new begins with the collective understanding that there is no greater illusion than believing that doing the same thing over and over again will yield different results. The truth is that this is not the case. We must fight, defeat, and oust Milei—without needing to support the leadership of Peronism or other old parties, which, if they were to govern again, would make us suffer once more the consequences of new austerity measures designed to appease the capitalists and the IMF. The PJ, in particular, has been the biggest disappointment, and today it is embroiled in internal conflicts, power struggles, and ego battles, while preemptively announcing that if they return to power, they will be very moderate and friendly toward big capitalists and the powerful. In other words, they will return to power without touching those interests or profits. That is why, once again, they will not solve any of the problems that the vast majority of us suffer from.
We know that millions are disappointed by all of this and are wondering how to get rid of Milei. To contribute to that debate, we’d like to propose an idea: we believe it won’t be by turning to those who paved the way for his rise to power. It won’t be by giving political and electoral support to those who, if they win, will implement austerity measures—and the only thing they’ll achieve is that, several years later, another Milei or someone even worse will return. It’s time to get rid of Milei by defeating him in the streets and supporting a new left-wing alternative. It’s time to support and contribute to building something new, grand, unified, and truly different.
It is time for the left and for a far-reaching program that will dismantle all capitalist power and challenge the interests of the rich and powerful. This is something the PJ is not willing to do, because it defends capitalism.
For all these reasons, we invite thousands of workers and young people with Peronist backgrounds to join us and be part of our left-wing project to build something new and great. Here, you have a place to play a leading role in a new, historic, anti-capitalist, and socialist movement that overcomes all past disappointments. A movement that will even carry forward the historic banners of social justice, economic independence, and political sovereignty—banners abandoned by the Peronist leadership and which today can only advance as part of a substantive program of anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist rupture, which only we on the left are willing to promote.
FIT-U AND THE UNITY OF THE LEFT: AN ACHIEVEMENT AND A NECESSITY
Just as it is necessary to reject any proposal that leads down the wrong paths—paths we have already experienced—it is also essential to support the strengthening of something new. And if it is new, it can only come from the left; we are the only political current that bears no responsibility for the disasters of previous governments or the current one. All kinds of capitalist plans have been implemented in our country, but never the left’s plan, which is truly an alternative and stands in opposition to all the others.
Furthermore, as we face very powerful interests from all the capitalists and their parties, we need the greatest possible unity on the left to stand up to that power. That is why we are part of the Left Front Unity; we value its unified structure, which has been in place for years, and we strive for its continuity. As a contribution to its defense and strengthening, we in the MST have been proposing that the Left Unity Front move forward and transform itself into something much better.
Just as it is positive that there is an electoral front of the left, it is also limiting that our front lacks a common strategy for acting in the class struggle and in every sphere of political and social struggle. That is why we are striving to make the FIT-U a great, unified party of the left, operating on a permanent basis, where everything is debated, agreements are sought for action on all fronts, and we coexist with the natural differences that do exist. A party that brings together and integrates thousands of independent activists, social leaders, and intellectuals. We need all those hands in our common front.
Defending the Left Front means fighting for its transformation and evolution
There are comrades—such as the leaders of PO and IS—who do not see this as necessary and propose that everything continue more or less as before. We believe that would be a huge mistake. Enormous political changes are taking place in the country, and more and more new sectors are moving toward the left. Current FIT-U cannot respond to this massive shift by doing more of the same or by standing still. If reality changes, the Left Front–Unity must change as well. We face the challenge of ensuring that our front surpasses itself and adapts to the situation—that it evolves into a political organization that is not limited to electoral politics. We hope that the parties in the FIT-U that do not consider this reflect on all of this and be open to taking steps forward. We will continue to insist because we need everyone, and we are not giving up on the goal of the entire front moving toward becoming a unified organization that advances the common strategy and program we already have.
FOR A NEW PARTY OR MOVEMENT THAT ORGANIZES THOUSANDS
The Left Front Unity, which we are part of and value, must continue to serve as a tool for unity on the left. At the same time, the opportunity before us calls for something much larger and more powerful. And in this regard, a central debate is what kind of political tool we can build. In a struggle against all the parties of the capitalist system, we workers need our own party. That is why it is no coincidence that for some time now, the entire left has been debating what kind of political organization to build and with whom to do so. As we said, the FIT-U can become a great common tool or move forward in that construction—at least with those within the front who are willing to drive it forward.
In our opinion, we must dare to forge a new historic movement—this time from the left—that definitively overcomes the disappointing experience of the PJ and all the conservative forces within the system. To achieve this, we must build a great revolutionary party, movement, or whatever name we choose to call it. The key is that it must be able to bring together thousands of workers and young people, so that we can capitalize on the shift among a large sectorof the population that looks at the left with sympathy, and thereby bring thousands into this new and powerful political organization. We are living in a moment where the question is not whether each current left-wing party, on its own, will grow a little more—that will surely happen. Today, the challenge is much greater: the question is whether, by reaching political and programmatic agreement, we can build a great revolutionary movement or party together, one that brings together the best experiences of each, uniting leaders, cadres, and the entire current membership alongside thousands of independents, intellectuals, and social leaders in a common project.
Our proposal is building on the program of the Left Front Unity we should move forward to forge a great revolutionary party or a unified movement of the left, one that can effectively intervene in all political and social struggles, with the strategy of revolution, workers’ government, and socialism. One that can unite various existing parties along with thousands of independents who join the cause. It should operate according to the method of democratic centralism—that is, the broadest possible unity to debate everything democratically and thoroughly, then decide and act together with full strength and unity in practice. At the same time, if it is to be formed by different organizations that would unite with thousands of new activists, it must also allow—at least on a transitional basis—for the existence of internal tendencies or currents that reflect their previous stages of development, with their positions, agreements, differences, experiences, and activist work throughout the country. This does not negate the functioning of a democratic-centralist party that debates internally and collectively, votes, and decides on a specific political line in response to each real-world situation, by majority vote, with minorities respecting that reality. And since we come from and are part of different international groupings, there should also be, for a period of time, the right to free international affiliation, so that there are no impositions in this much-needed internationalist sphere.
We have been discussing this proposal in particular with our comrades in the PTS, who are promoting committees to build a movement toward a party of the new working class. We have pointed out to them that the MST Congress voted in favor of organizing these committees and this debate toward a movement for a new party in a unified manner, although so far, our comrades have continued to promote these committees and this debate on their own, which unnecessarily weakens the effort itself, when we could be doing this together and with greater strength.
They have also stated that there are significant differences that would prevent us from forming a party and developing a joint strategy, and they tell us that we downplay those differences. We in the MST believe that it is not a matter of downplaying differences; it is a matter of not making the mistake of prioritizing those differences over the major agreements we share. We do have strategic agreements: the struggle for a workers’ government and socialism. We do have considerable agreements on substance and program—namely, the Left Front Unity, which we all defend and promote. Furthermore, we are now jointly advancing struggles and regional coordination efforts. It is within this framework that nuances and differences exist—differences that should not be denied, but rather debated in a healthy and fair manner.
We are convinced that when it comes to building a large movement or party of tens of thousands, there will always be some debates, nuances, and differences. It is utopian to believe that a large party can be built on the basis of some kind of “single mindset.”
For MST, the impossible thing is not building a large, united political organization because of differences; the impossible thing is that, if that organization has thousands of members, there would be no exchange of ideas or debates between the majority and the minority. If this obvious reality is not acknowledged, we believe it will never be possible to build an organization capable of exerting influence over the masses.
At MST, we believe in building that great revolutionary organization of tens of thousands of activists, and we are willing to coexist with significant strategic and substantive agreements, nuances, and differences, because we believe that this great unity is necessary. The leadership of the PTS must finally decide whether they consider this possible unity to be essential for the revolutionary process in our country to move forward, or whether they believe they can achieve revolutionary changes on their own without the need to work in strategic unity with other left-wing forces.
This is the decisive debate. For our part, we believe that no single existing organization can rise to such a challenge and opportunity, and that we must all make every effort to seek fair and strategic agreements. We hope that our comrades will reflect on these issues and be inspired to build a great revolutionary political force together—which is the only way for the left to make qualitative progress. From the MST, we will continue to insist with our proposal for unity toward building a great revolutionary movement or party together.
A GOVERNMENT PLAN AND A PROGRAM TO TURN EVERYTHING AROUND
The possibility of a left-wing government—that is of those who advocate for a workers’ government—has begun to be debated in various places, as a result of the political progress that is taking place. That is why it is important to explain what our government would look like. After all, we are not talking about more of the same, nor about simply replacing one president with another. This is not an individual problem, but a collective and class-based one. On the left, we have public figures and leaders with experience and a proven track record who will give their all to the government we are advocating for on the left—a collective government of the working class and its genuine grassroots organizations.
When we speak of a government of the workers and the people, we are referring to a fundamental project that relies on the ongoing mobilization of the working-class majority and the youth, and that, with this mobilized force, will turn everything upside down, put an end to this decaying capitalist system, and bring down its privileged, bureaucratic, and repressive institutions. And it will govern by establishing other, truly democratic institutions—those that the working class and the people decide to have and promote as the social foundation of their own government.
Therefore, our government is not about the same old things, nor about mere reforms, nor about coexisting with the remnants of the political, legal, and repressive structure of the current capitalist regime. A left-wing government will challenge and transform the entire political, economic, and social framework of the capitalist classes and their parties and media agents. It will pave the way for the construction of a regime of genuine workers’ democracy, in alliance with popular sectors and with precarious youth and students. A truly democratic regime where the working class and the people decide everything on all issues.
This government that we are going to lead also has a clear and well-defined anti-capitalist and socialist program. And this is true despite the fact that the media and ideological machines of capitalist power and its parties repeatedly spread false messages against the left, trying to convince the working-class majority that we have no proposals and that we only know how to oppose. Nothing could be further from the truth. It is precisely the opposite of the system’s official narrative; we, the anti-capitalist and socialist left, are the only force with a substantive platform and a vision for genuine political, economic, and social transformation.
We are the only political force that, if came to power, would take swift and urgent measures to begin addressing our country’s serious social problems by challenging the interests of those who have the most. As part of the many other political and programmatic proposals we have, here we outline 10 key ponts of our program and the main and initial measures that a left-wing, workers’ government would carry out. This program, as we explain later, is part of an essential internationalist struggle.
1 – Prioritize the urgent needs of the working population
To that end, we will first reverse and repeal all the anti-worker and anti-people laws that this government has enacted or voted for in Congress alongside all its accomplices. At the same time, we will push for an immediate, across-the-board increase in wages, pensions, and temporary social programs.
* No worker will earn less than the real basic food basket.
* The retirement age may not exceed 60 years, and retirees will receive 82% of their salary and full social security coverage.
* There is money to do this, but it’s being hoarded by billionaire business owners. That’s why we’ll implement permanent taxes on large fortunes and eliminate the VAT, the most regressive tax.
2 – Work for All, Less Work for Each
We are going to reduce the workweek to 6 hours, 5 days a week, without cutting wages, in the country’s 12,000 largest companies, creating one million jobs that could be filled by many young people who are currently unemployed and at the mercy of criminal networks.
* if business owners cite a crisis and fail to comply: we’d open their accounting books and check their profits. If they still refuse, the company would be taken over by the government and its workers.
* These measures would also allow for more time for recreation and creativity and improve quality of life.
3 – Honor the debt to the people, not to the vulture funds
Argentina is the Latin American country that owes the most to the IMF. The foreign debt system is one of domination and usury. Every government has been a serial debtor, we owe more and more. Milei and Caputo continue to pile on the debt.
* We must break free from this suffocating system, investigate the debt to expose the fraud—that the money was never used to meet the needs of the people and that it was all taken away—as in the case of the 44 billion in debt incurred by Macri and Caputo—or used to win an election —as Milei did— but it never went toward addressing even one of the people’s needs.
* Make the sovereign decision not to pay anymore and to redirect that money toward addressing social needs and a major public works plan: hospitals, schools, roads, and affordable housing, thereby ending unemployment and the housing shortage.
4 – Uphold national sovereignty to defend what has been achieved
Imperialism will want to retaliate; it has much more to lose than we do: we can declare a sovereign default on our foreign debt—which is illegal and illegitimate—and if they want to impose sanctions on us, we can seize all the assets they hold in our country. At the same time, we will promote and encourage the peoples of other countries to also reject and denounce their own debts, supporting their protests against this scourge and coordinating them with our own.
* A workers’ government will also reclaim the country’s strategic economic and financial resources to prevent internal and external hostilities from affecting our economy. To this end, we will nationalize foreign trade. We will not let five or six companies decide our future. The profits from what is produced in the country must go to the people, not into the pockets of a select few.
* We are also going to nationalize the banks by creating a single banking system to put an end to capital flight and speculation. And whenever possible, we will implement solidarity-based exchange measures to counter potential blockades.
* We will rescind all military agreements and treaties with foreign powers, and we will make the restoration of sovereignty over our Malvinas Islands a priority.
* Our government will defend the national sovereignty of the majority and, at the same time, will necessarily adopt a Latin Americanist and internationalist perspective, since in the face of the siege and hostility of the imperialist powers, we propose horizontal coordination with the countries of the region that will allow us to complement our industries, technologies, and sciences, while also developing a revolutionary perspective at the Latin American and global levels.
5 – Guarantee health and education as fundamental rights and the protection of culture
Milei is attacking hard-won rights. He is cutting funding for universities, science, the Garrahan Hospital, and disability services.
* We want the opposite: for all Argentines to have unrestricted access to healthcare and education, from early childhood through higher education.
* Our government will renationalize the education system, transforming it into a single, fully state-run system, and will convene an education congress so that the educational community itself can democratically shape the reforms that are needed. The same goes for healthcare: no more fragmentation or access based on ability to pay—a single, state-run, universal, free, and high-quality system, with the necessary budgetary investment for its development. We can do this because teachers and healthcare workers are the ones who sustain these crisis-stricken systems on a daily basis and know how to transform them: they just need to be given the leading role to make decisions and steer these priority areas.
* We defend culture as a social right of the people and as a sphere independent of capitalist logic, in opposition to the corporations of the so-called “cultural industry” and their mechanisms of standardization and social alienation. We fight against the right-wing movement to privatize culture; and we distance ourselves from the model of ideological state control and official subordination, as exemplified by Peronism’s approach to cultural matters. We defend a free and independent conception of artistic and cultural production, one that is in harmony with the social struggles and just causes of our people. We fight for and demand public policies that support cultural production as a social necessity and right of the majority, and we reject any aesthetic, poetic, or ideological interference by the ruling power.
6 – Develop industry and nationalize services under social control
The new presidential spokesperson said that if gas is expensive, we should bundle up. He accuses the working class of wasting money, while the rich go to the Caribbean in the winter and to the Alps to ski in the summer.
* No more unsatisfying and expensive services. Under our government, they will be publicly owned and controlled by workers and users.
* Today, 50% of our installed industrial capacity goes unused, while we even import food. We have the infrastructure and capacity to engage in serious industrial production. We will bring together the scientists whom the Milei administration is expelling so that they can put their knowledge to work in advancing this new development model.
* We will prohibit layoffs and suspensions by law; any company that fails to comply will be nationalized under the control of its workers, so that jobs are protected.
* Through nationalization, we will reclaim Argentina’s trains. We will rebuild the national rail network and repair shops to connect every part of our country in a more economical, less polluting, and much safer way.
7 – Put an end to corruption, organized crime, and the repressive apparatus
The legal system is sexist, classist, and elitist; it only works for the rich and powerful. Prisons are filling up with poor people, while people like Adorni remain free as if nothing had happened.
* With us, the days of handpicked judges and prosecutors are over. Everyone will be elected by popular vote, with limited and revocable terms, and salaries in line with those of ordinary workers. No more Public officials privileges: they should earn the same as a school principal, receive care at public hospitals, and send their children to public schools.
* Deep transformationof the police. Insecurity is one of the greatest concerns for Argentines because the mafia is entrenched in power and is an integral part of organized crime, such as human trafficking, drug trafficking, and illegal vehicle dismantling operations. We must dismantle and dissolve this corrupt institution and replace it with one that is preventive, not repressive, with mechanisms for public participation and social oversight.
8 – Defend our lands, water, and lives
We are in the midst of the worst climate crisis in history. Milei denies it and hands over the glaciers and territories to corporations. But there is no divide between climate deniers and false progressives: both groups have promoted this neocolonial model of plunder.
* Under our government, common goods will not be up for negotiation. We will ban mega-mining, agribusiness, fracking, and offshore exploitation. We support the self-determination of Indigenous peoples in the defense and recovery of their ancestral territories.
* We promote a transition to clean energy, based on the expropriation of corporations in the sector and public control by workers and communities. A restructuring of production and the workforce, under democratic economic planning, that guarantees all jobs.
* We will nationalize transportation based on that same logic. And we will move forward with agrarian reform to produce healthy, affordable, and sufficient food, repopulating the countryside and democratically planning all production.
9 – End Patriarchal Oppression
Patriarchal capitalism benefits in two ways from the oppression of women and marginalized groups: by exploiting us in the workplace and by forcing us to perform domestic and caregiving tasks. It is the root cause of gender-based violence, which results in one femicide every 31 hours.
* Our government will put an end to this patriarchal system by alleviating the burden through free early childhood centers, public cafeterias and laundromats, and the equitable sharing of caregiving responsibilities through equal parental leave for both parents.
* We will develop effective programs to combat gender-based violence, with funding and oversight provided by feminist organizations, and we will implement gender-sensitive sex and relationship education at all levels. We will promote the effective inclusion of trans individuals in the workforce across both the public and private sectors, along with unrestricted access to comprehensive healthcare and full recognition of trans and non-binary identities.
* In addition, specific measures will be implemented to promote the participation of women and members of the LGBTQ+ community in all spheres of social and political life.
* We will also separate the state from the Catholic Church and other religions.
10 – Promote workers’ and people’s democracy to decide everything
This set of measures must be implemented urgently and immediately to pull the country out of the crisis. In our government, workers will decide everything, with opportunities to participate and determine the next steps in every factory, school, hospital, and working-class neighborhood. We will promote the creation of working-class organizations—a new institutional framework—so that the working class can decide everything and achieve the highest degree of independent organization, enabling it to truly decide on all matters at the local level and through a grand national assembly of workers, the people, and farmers with full powers. These democratic mechanisms will be our priority.
* In this context, a free, democratic, and sovereign constitutional process could be launched, if necessary, to institutionalize all the structural reform measures carried out by a government of the workers, the popular sectors, and the left.
* Workers’ democracy serves a dual purpose: on the one hand, it is essential for making the best decisions; on the other, it is vital for sustaining and defending this project. Because unlike the other transitions of government we’ve seen so far—where power is handed over between different parties that defend the same interests—in our case, it would be a transition toward a model and system that runs counter to the dominant interests, and that’s not something the owners of everything are very fond of. So, obviously, they’re going to try to attack and weaken us, and our greatest advantage is the strength that comes from being an organized majority. That is precisely why democratic participation and mobilization to defend what we have achieved are essential and strategic. We know that to advance and implement this program and strategy, it is crucial that we have our own political tool with tens of thousands of organized members. We invite you to join us in this effort.
INTERNATIONALISM AS A NECESSITY AND A STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE
As we strive to implement these ten programmatic key points—along with other equally necessary ones—it is vital to understand that our strategic struggle is not limited to or confined within our national borders. Today more than ever, we are part of an international struggle against all forms of imperialism—both old and emerging—confronting their plans and inter-imperialist disputes, which reflect their drive for profit and domination at the expense of the social and democratic rights of the people. We are fighting against these plans—and those of all capitalist governments—all over the world. If workers in our country come to power, we will promote the spread of this example alongside the working class, the peoples, and the youth of the world, and call for support for our cause, so that it may be consolidated as we fight to expand it—because socialism will be international or it will not exist at all.
For that reason, our strategic project embraces a Latin Americanist and internationalist perspective from start to finish, because it is unity with the sister nations and the working class of our continent and the world that will give us the strength to advance this government—not only within our country’s borders, but also by spreading its example and lessons on a continental and global scale.
And for the same reason, as we build a revolutionary organization in Argentina, we are also part of the International Socialist League (ISL), an international revolutionary, anti-capitalist, and socialist project that is taking shape on every continent in the world, based on a substantive program and the method of uniting revolutionaries under a common strategy.
YOU CAN BE A PART OF THIS HISTORIC ACHIEVEMENT
We want to extend an important invitation to you. At the MST, we don’t simply ask you to vote for us every two years or to support us on this or that proposal. That’s not what we’re looking for. We appreciate that you vote for the left, and we invite you to continue doing so. But what we want is for you and thousands of workers, young people, and members of the middle class to join us in building a powerful political tool for the working class and youth. We don’t want you to simply delegate or offer support from a distance; we want you to be an active participant.
We want to invite you to join forces with the MST’s activists, to take a leading role in this political struggle and in the anti-capitalist and socialist organization we are building across the country. We need thousands of hands and minds to set in motion a massive political force, putting the best ideas and proposals into action. And to do that, your opinion and your involvement matter—a great deal.
Visit MST offices across the country. Join the assemblies, gatherings, and meetings we’re organizing. Check out Periodismo de Izquierda and the International Socialist League’s website to stay informed. Pick up a copy of our print newspaper, Alternativa Socialista, and help us distribute it everywhere. In short: join us with all your energy and help out however you can and wherever you want. Here you’ll find a place for struggle, organization, and collective political building with the left. We’re waiting for you.
