The economic, political, social, cultural and democratic crisis that the workers and peoples of Europe suffer to varying degrees, as a result of the existence of the EU imperialist bloc commanded by the Troika, and
- That the result of the crisis that began in 2008 was not a solid and stable solution, that there have already been financial crises as a precedent for what could be a repetition of what happened with the crack.
- That, from the social point of view, it was a decade of loss in which reactionary labor reforms were imposed, precarious work extended with garbage contracts, privatizations advanced and historic workers’ conquests were lost.
- That working conditions are bad, especially for the youth, immigrants and women. Unemployment continues to be a social drama: in February 2019, more than three million young people under 25 are unemployed (14.6% in the EU).
- That the supposed solution to the crisis implied a high cost for the standard of living of the great majority: the retreat of the welfare state, the advance of privatizations, serious problems with access to social housing, cuts in health and education, pension crisis, low wages and more austerity monitored by Brussels.
- That some of the most harmful social results are that: 1 in 4 European children are poor, 24.4% of those under 16 years of age. The difference between rich and poor in almost all Member States has increased, 20% of the population with the highest percentage of income received 5 times more than the poorest 20%.
- That the debt, both public and private, has acquired greater importance as a percentage of GDP. This leads to the payment of interest absorbing large sums of money from investment in infrastructure, education, health, other social and growth destinations.
- That, at the same time, banks and large companies have accumulated immense profits. The millions of euros that the states used for their recovery, became a great gift of socially produced wealth, which governments gave to a handful of privileged capitalists.
- That the measures that the EU debates to mitigate its economic problems and eventually to act on crises, follow the same capitalist logic as always and therefore will only bring more austerity and hardships to working people.
- That the Mediterranean crisis demonstrates the bankruptcy of the so-called “advanced democracies”, since the answer to the thousands of people fleeing hunger, war or repression in African and Middle Eastern countries is: let them drown, return them to their countries of origin or third countries, all in deplorable conditions that violate the most elementary human rights. That the most xenophobic governments build walls or fences and take repressive measures to stop immigration.
- That the extreme right miserably and deceitfully discharges responsibility for the social suffering of Europeans on the presence of immigrants and not the disasters of capitalism, and means a serious threat to the existence of the working class and its organizations.
- That the French “yellow vests” that constantly confront Macron are an emerging social struggle that attacks most of the ills caused by the EU and its governments. And that they are repressed because, to bourgeois Europe, they are a threat and a danger whose example they want to block at all costs in fear that their example be imitated in other countries, such as Belgium, Italy and North Africa. The Yellow Vests signal the radicalization of the working class all over the world and show how deep class contradictions and anger are France.
- The rise of the ultra right which want to quit EU and Brexit have opened important gaps, cracks and uncertainty about the future of the imperialist bloc, since the EU-UK negotiation has so far failed.
- That the combination of failures of integration, reaffirms the conclusion that it is necessary to break with the EU and that the exit, in order to reach a good port, should not be led by bourgeois parties, oblivious to the needs of workers and the people. It must be conducted by an alternative and consistent leadership that responds to the interests of the great majority.
- That Catalonia continues to be a factor of crisis and political instability, because of its democratic struggle for self-determination and the Catalan Republic. That the EU closed ranks with the king and the regime of ’78 to protect themselves from the demands of other peoples, but the contradictions are increasing. That there are political prisoners and Catalan exiles, censorship, repression and a strong persecution of neighbors, activists and members of the CDR.
- That the EU promotes antagonisms based on nationalist sentiments and unresolved national questions, like in the Balcans, while it financially exploits the territory, as with the imperialist imposition of Greek capitals in the Republic of Macedonia.
- That another dynamic element is the women´s movement, with strikes, mobilizations and massive demands for their rights in all areas: from the right to decide over their own bodies to the demand for labor and wage equality.
- That pensioners also respond to the brutal attack that exists in all countries to: extend the retirement age, pay pensions of misery and take away conquests. Many European countries have serious problems with the contributions they need to sustain pension funds.
- That rebellions that put pressure the continent, such as those in Sudan, Yemen, Tunisia and Algeria, can grow and spread as a new Arab Spring.
- That the labor movement has been leading partial struggles, but it can be faced with new attacks of austerity. That the bureaucracies are totally sold out to the bosses and negotiate everything with the capitalist governments to save their privileges.
- That the elections to the European Parliament on 26M are an electoral masquerade that, far from the stability they seek, they may be transformed into a new element of political crisis if right-wing expressions acquire more influence.
- That the political superstructure polarizes between two positions in which it aims to align the people: the “progressive democrats” who want to build a strong EU bloc and the “right-wing populists” and “ultras” who do not want it. The disagreements are more in form of than in content, since both defend austerity and the exploitation of workers and the people; both cut democratic freedoms and repress and want a controlled immigration according to the needs of their economies and not in terms of developing humanitarian policies to ensure decent shelter.
- That the fundamental dispute between “Eurosceptics” and “Europeanists” is which of the two best utilizes their government, regimes or parties to defend profits and capitalism.
- That Stalinism was reduced, from the apparatus it was, to a relic of the past. Where it reappears, it is divided with different tactics, each one more more capitulating than the other. That traditional social democracy has received a relative boost in Portugal and Spain, but that it still does not represent a way out of the crisis in which it finds itself.
- That the “progressive” center-left experiences, like Syriza, Podemos, the Left Block and others, disappoint, adapt to the regime, dull their rebellious edges and the drive of mobilization, and remain tied to the limits of the capitalism.
- To support all the struggles of workers against exploitation and austerity, of oppressed peoples for self-determination, of students and pensioners, of immigrants, of all those who go against governments, regimes and bosses, promoting strikes, mobilizations, the overcoming of the union bureaucracy and the formation of democratic and independent organizations to fight.
- To carry out specific campaigns in favor of the French “yellow vests”, the women’s movement with a class based policy, for unity with the working class against women´s oppression and capitalism, for the annulment of labor reform laws, in defense of the workers’ conquests, against cuts in health, housing, education, employment and austerity.
- To differentiate our current from the “Eurosceptics” and “Europeanists”. We do not align ourselves with either, we raise an independent position in favor of workers and the people. Against bourgeois governments that respond to the troika and apply its austerity.
- To defend the struggles and democratic demands that cross the continent, starting with Catalonia. To face the extreme right in the streets, with the broadest unit of action to defeat them wherever they raise their head. There are already very strong sentiments of antifascism in the ranks of European youth and working class so international socialist league would make strong campaigns to stop fascists.
- To confront the old parties, the new false reformist and centrist options, the expressions of the right and the extreme right.
- To promote the creation of new left and anti-capitalist political alternatives, with democratic functioning.
- To build strong socialist, revolutionary and internationalist vanguard groups and parties, making it clear that our strategy is to fight for workers and the people to govern with a regime of workers’ democracy. For the defeat of the imperialist block of the European Union and the establishment of a free Federation of European Socialist Republics.